Some people do funny things
when they’re stressed. When we heard that Marakwet militia were attacking homes
just a kilometre away, Min Ouma (mother of Ouma) decided to take a bath. We
found stress relief in laughing hysterically about it later that night over a
candlelit dinner, but apparently, when stress exceeds the individual’s ability
to cope, it results in a series of dysfunctional physical and mental responses.
That afternoon, Josh (my husband) and his two older brothers came striding up
towards the large ornamental Nandi flame (aka African tulip) tree conveniently
positioned on the kitchen side of their sprawling farmhouse, about 400km from
Nairobi in Cherangan’yi, rural northwest Kenya, near Kitale. He hardly ever shouts
but I knew something was amiss when he yelled out to me from a distance, “Pack
your stuff. Women and children are leaving now!” I calmly retrieved our two
year old son, Morné, from his play among the chickens (even being pecked by the
mother hen didn’t weaken his resolve to try to catch a chick), and tossed our
stuff into two backpacks, only deliberating for a moment to consider whether or
not I should carry the spade handle and stick I had slept with the night
before, when gunshots had rung out in the night, and the acrid smell of burning
homes was even more acute than the glow of flames on the horizon.
Local Marakwet troops were attacking, looting and burning homesteads in
the area, flushing out kisiis and
kikuyus or perceived PNU sympathisers. But rumour had it that they weren’t
stopping long enough to ask any questions about one’s political convictions and
were indiscriminately attacking and burning. A band of 300 men was allegedly
just a few kilometres away, armed with guns (courtesy of the home guard
system), and they were coming our way. The home guards were created and armed
by government (from colonial days) to protect livestock from attack or theft,
particularly in remote areas. My husband and his brothers weren’t taking any
chances, and women and children (generally the most vulnerable groups during
times of war) were bundled off.
Quite honestly, I didn’t
really stop long enough to think about the long standing chauvinistic tradition
of sending the women to “safety” and leaving the men (6 of them in total,
together with the workers), armed with a ragged assortment of knobkerries and 1
blunt panga that had obviously seen better days, to bravely fight off this
alleged army. Obviously my mother in law, Dr Penninah Ogada had a bit more
presence of mind than I did, because she insisted on staying to protect the
home, delaying our flight by first brewing a pot of Rooibos tea for Morné and
packing incredible amounts of drinking water, until her eldest son had to
almost physically lead her out of the door and into the car. We drove in convoy
to Kachibora, about 10 minutes away, hoping that the police station there would
offer some security, and joined what seemed like hundreds of people on the side
of the road to wait endlessly for news from the homestead. Morné and his
cousins played in the sand with matchbox cars and miniature dinosaurs, and I
watched the steady stream of people flow by, many with just one small suitcase,
entire families, children carrying children, some leading livestock, but all with
the same desperate fear in their eyes.
Thankfully my husband and
brothers in law didn’t engage in battle that day, though later that week, just
hours after our departure, the farm workers fended off an attempted raid. It
was really from that moment that I knew ordinary Kenyans were not going to
quietly accept what seemed like blatant rigging of the elections in favour of
current President Mwai Kibaki. We’d been following election news avidly,
listening interchangeably to local FM broadcasts on an old A-track machine and
the windup radio, and the BBC on shortwave. On our very first day in Kenya, the
customs official at the airport engaged my husband in a discussion about the
elections and her need to “vote for change” (i.e. for opposition presidential candidate
Raila Odinga). A markedly politicised nation, ordinary people everywhere were
talking about the upcoming election, often pulling out their voter’s cards to
show us, and always saying that it was time for change in the form of a new
president. Apathy appears to be alien to Kenyans and many walked for kilometres
to attend opposition Orange Democratic Party (ODM) rallies in the city centre.
Our sight-seeing in Nairobi had to be redirected many times to avoid the sea of
orange bodies blocking the roads – the colour of presidential challenger, Raila
and his ODM.
The Ogada family rose at
5.30am on Dec 27th to vote at a local school, but 2 days later
everyone seemed uncertain as to whether they should celebrate when we heard the
news broadcasts that Raila Odinga of ODM (Orange Democratic Movement) was the
leading candidate in 6 out of 8 provinces. Their unspoken unease seemed
warranted when Kibaki was later sworn in as president with strange
discrepancies between the numbers of ballots and numbers of voters, as well as
between numbers announced by the electoral commission and those later broadcast
in the media. Allegedly, Raila himself arrived to vote to find that his name
was not printed on the ballot paper, one of the many irregularities that
plagued the election. We had a hint of what was to come when travelling through
Eldoret on our way to Cherang’anyi, we narrowly escaped being stoned by a mob,
who seemed to determined to check the trunk of our car for pre-filled ballot
papers, apparently common practice. Days later Eldoret turned into a war zone
with constant clashes between members of the Kalenjin tribe, which backed Odinga,
and the Kikuyus who voted for Kibaki.
Huddled over the shortwave
receiver to catch news from BBC and RFI that night, we received an SMS
informing of Raila’s arrest for treason (In 1982, he was also arrested
after being accused of plotting a coup against President Daniel arap Moi and
spent eight years in prison). A local
news blackout and ban on live broadcasts meant that all the local FM stations
were broadcasting music only, some occasionally pausing to read what sounded
like government issued propagandistic press releases. Interestingly enough,
this did not stop the informal network of news via SMS, a trend that had begun
long before (and continued beyond) Election Day. News alerts (and sometimes
political propaganda, usually pro ODM) would arrive to one’s cellphone, and the
user would forward the message to all their contacts.
The next morning we left the
farm under the cover of darkness at 4am, valuables under the seat, and Morné’s
side of the window taped to prevent shattered glass in the event of a stoning.
We travelled with a mzee (elder) guide, who being Marakwet, led us through the
Marakwet territories of Kapcherop and Kapsowar up bumpy donkey tracks through
the mountains and down into the valley to the town of Iten, a tortuous 4 hour
detour from the route originally planned. “Follow closely”, he said tensely to
our convoy of three cars, carrying the entire Ogada family with children and
grandchildren, “and don’t get out of your car or roll down your window no
matter what”. The first couple of
roadblocks were passable, and often just involved driving around the boulders
and rocks in the road. A couple of roadblocks were still smouldering, smoke
rising like mist into the forest, a mild reminder of what had happened there
the previous day. At one point there was an entire tree across the road, as an
ominous warning to turn back. At dawn we encountered our first manned
roadblock, in the light of what must surely have been one of the most beautiful
sunrises I’ve seen. Boulders across the road, a group of men on either side -
they moved menacingly towards us before we even stopped or spoke. On the left I
caught a glimpse of a bow and arrow, on the right the glint of pangas in
seemingly better shape than the one at the farm, and right by my window a man
was picking up a big rock, presumably to hurl it at us. I clutched Morné closer
to me and when I opened my eyes again we were being waved on. We were the right
ethnicity, for the moment at least. I think we breathed a collective sigh of
relief at that point, and I counted at least another 15 similar roadblocks
before they suddenly ended and the beautiful Lake Baringo came into sight, and I
got the camera back out from under the seat.
Attached to each car’s front
bumper were sinendet vines used by the Kalenjin to signal that one was on one’s
way to a wedding or funeral. This insider information provided by mzee was to
faciliate our safe passage as a way of saying “we go in peace”. Later, down in
the dry valley, a stark contrast to the lush forests we had just traversed, the
drivers removed them quickly, as here it might not be as helpful to be
perceived as Kalenjin.
In Iten we met the mzee’s
son in law who escorted us the rest of the way to Nakuru, where we heard en
route that Luos and Luyas were being flushed out of cars and hacked to death.
There we met Paul, my sister in law’s colleague, and a Kukuyu who was to lead
us through the final home stretch. A student of Penninah’s called as we arrived
there and said, “Wait there, don’t move until I tell you it’s safe, stay there
for an hour or so, get a cooldrink or something and pretend for the sake of the
children that everything’s normal”. We didn’t know this as we ate hot chips and
sipped tepid soft drinks in the midday sun at a roadside café. It was only the
next day that she shared the news of this phone call with us. When we
eventually set off it seemed to me that the worst must surely be over. An hour
into the trip we were suddenly directed on a detour, through a bumpy road, Josh
convinced that we were being led off the highway and right into a trap of some
kind. Groups of excited young men passed by the slow moving traffic and peered
into cars. When they got to our lead car they said “these are Luos in this
car”, but mercifully Paul waved them on. I didn’t look back at the highway down
below us on the right, too scared for what I might see, and instead read Chicken
Licken (his favourite book that
week) to Morné, hoping he wouldn’t notice my voice occasionally faltering.
Josh’s elder brother later told us that he had seen bodies lying on the road
with a machete wielding mob dancing around them. Any earlier (or later) and it
might have been us.
I had been scared when we
petted a tame cheetah at the animal orphanage in Nairobi a week earlier, but
nothing compared to this. Fear remained settled and knotted in the pit of my
stomach until I lay in bed that night, amazed to be alive. The Saturday night
after our harrowing trip back it seemed fitting that the first song I heard at
a small bar called Sippers in Hurlingham was “Celebrate” by Madonna. The Tusker
beer bottle caps said “Happy festive season, don’t drink and drive”. Later that
night we bought the DJs entire collection of Kenyan hip hop for 1200 shillings
(R120). It all seemed pretty surreal after what we’d been through, though we
were the lucky ones. The casualties of the Kenyan violence far outnumbered our
family. Besides those killed (the press says around 500, aid organisations say
thousands), there are the displaced, running or driven from their homes in a
senseless war that is, after all, turning out to be ethnically motivated. The literature
tells us that violence is a last resort in a stressed population. The existence
of violence is a warning that the population is already over-stressed for
reasons that are usually obvious. Since 2002 the Kibaki government has been
implicated in various corruption and land grabbing scandals, often privileging
the Kikuyu people for land ownership and major government jobs. The opposition
Luo presidential candidate, Raila Odinga, was seen to represent major change,
particularly for the poor and dispossessed. The fact that the conflict is worse
in the countryside than in urban Nairobi (except for fighting in urban slums
like Mathare and Kibera) is indicative of a problem much larger than discontent
with a rigged election. Kenyan politics has been reduced to ethnic alliances,
and people perceive their hardships as directly proportional to ethnic
favoritism. Politicians have exploited ethnicity to their advantage, and
consequently tribalism often overrides any sense of nationalism.
I’ve always had a strong
attachment to the continent, and a distinct identity as an African. Having
never witnessed the worst of apartheid’s atrocities, and despite living the low
intensity war currently being waged in the form of crime, this was the first
time that I had witness first hand, the crimson heart of Africa bleeding, as
Livingstone once wrote. This was my 4th or 5th visit to
Kenya (and I’ve travelled widely in Southern and East Africa) and for the first
time I really experienced the continent first hand. I saw right into Africa’s
heart and it was filled with beautiful sunrises and beautiful sunsets, but it
was also bleeding and tears ran down into her smile. Back in Cape Town Morné
asks constantly about his granny and his cousins, and I hope that he will grow
up to be as proudly African as I am, despite the tears.
Pictures
of the family holiday can be seen at http://uctac.facebook.com/album.php?aid=26560&l=7157a&id=543989288